Black Revolutionary Politics and the Fight For Socialism

Introduction

The promise of American democracy has always been marred by the bleak reality of racial subjugation. The failures of liberalism and the Democratic Party to address systemic inequalities have left the black working-class trapped in a cycle of poverty, mass incarceration, and economic disenfranchisement.  For African-Americans, this enduring legacy of slavery and segregation underscores the need for a radical transformation of society — a transformation that cannot be achieved within the confines of capitalism. To truly address the root causes of racial inequality, we must envision and build a new American socialism for the 21st century, grounded in the unique characteristics of American history and culture. This new socialism must unite working-class people into a common struggle across racial lines.

The Legacy of Black Revolutionary Politics

The black working class has historically played a pivotal role in revolutionary politics. From the days of the abolitionist movement to the militant struggles of the 1960s, black revolutionaries such as Huey Newton, Kwame Ture, and H. Rap Brown provided a critical framework for understanding the role of the black working class as a vanguard for revolutionary change (Greene 2016). These leaders appealed directly to the black masses, rejecting the liberal bourgeois agenda that sought integration within the capitalist system. Instead, they advocated for black nationalism, pan-Africanism, and scientific socialism rooted in Marxism-Leninism. Their vision of liberation went beyond reform; it sought to dismantle the structural foundations of capitalism and imperialism that perpetuate racial and class oppression.

The black revolutionary perspective also emphasized the historical role capitalism played in the rise of racism in the modern world. The industrial capitalist economy emerged through the European colonization of the Americas in the 15th century, creating a triangular trade network that fueled the development of global capitalism (Taylor 2011). European settlers captured African slaves, forcing them to labor on plantations in the Americas to produce raw materials like sugar, cotton, and tobacco. These materials were then shipped to Europe, where they powered the industrial revolution and created vast wealth for the capitalist class. Manufactured goods from Europe, in turn, were used to expand the slave trade in Africa, completing the cycle. This system formed the foundation of what Karl Marx called the “original accumulation” of capitalism, highlighting the direct link between slavery and capitalist wealth (Anderson 2022).

Racism, as an ideology, emerged as a pseudo-scientific justification for slavery, promoting the notion of natural racial hierarchies to legitimize exploitation (Reed 2013). At the same time, racism served a critical function for the capitalist class by dividing black and white workers. By fostering racial antagonisms, the capitalist elite prevented the formation of a united working-class movement that could challenge their dominance. The black revolutionary perspective, therefore, recognizes that slavery was not merely a historical atrocity but a labor relation integral to the development of global capitalism. Moreover, it understands that racism has always been a tool to suppress black labor and sabotage working-class solidarity.

This historical understanding informed the strategies of black revolutionaries, who viewed the liberation of black people as inseparable from the broader struggle to overthrow capitalism. They understood that the capitalist class has long recognized the revolutionary potential of black labor, fearing above all the prospect of black and white working-class solidarity. Today, this lesson remains vital: any revolutionary movement must not only address the exploitation of black workers but also strive to unify all oppressed and exploited people in the fight for socialism.

The Limits of Liberalism

The revolutionary potential of the black working class has been systematically undermined by deliberate efforts to dismantle radical movements. Through state-sponsored incarceration, exile, and assassination, black revolutionary leaders and organizations were silenced, leaving a void in leadership that was filled by liberal black elites. These liberal leaders, emerging in the post-Civil Rights era, adopted a "race-reductionist" perspective that sought racial equality within the existing capitalist framework rather than challenging the system itself (Reed 2023). This approach reduced racism to a matter of individual prejudice and discrimination, disconnecting it from the structural realities of capitalism and imperialism.

A crucial element of the suppression of black revolutionary politics was the FBI's COINTELPRO (Counterintelligence Program), a covert operation designed to disrupt, discredit, and destroy black revolutionary movements (Moore 1981). COINTELPRO targeted leaders and organizations advocating for civil rights, self-determination, and Pan-Africanism, viewing these movements as threats to the capitalist status quo. Revolutionary figures such as Huey Newton, Fred Hampton, and Kwame Ture were subjected to surveillance, harassment, and assassination, while their organizations — like the Black Panther Party — were infiltrated and destabilized (Matthias 2024).

Even leaders whose aspirations were more aligned with integrationist Civil Rights reforms, such as Dr. Martin Luther King Jr., were not spared. Although King focused on desegregation and nonviolent protest rather than revolutionary socialism, his increasing criticism of capitalism, militarism, and economic inequality made him a target. The FBI sought to undermine King’s credibility and isolate him from his base, demonstrating that the state perceived any challenge to systemic injustice — whether reformist or revolutionary — as a direct threat to its power (Briger 2021).

These state-sponsored efforts to dismantle black movements left a leadership vacuum that was filled by more moderate, liberal figures. These individuals adopted a narrow vision of progress, focused on integrating black Americans into the existing capitalist framework rather than addressing the structural roots of racial and economic inequality (Reed 2020). This co-optation of leadership helped to neutralize the broader revolutionary aspirations of the black masses, redirecting their struggles into reformist channels that ultimately served to reinforce the capitalist system. Their strategy relied on reform measures designed to integrate a small segment of black people into the upper echelons of society rather than addressing the underlying causes of racial inequality. These efforts failed to confront the fundamental exploitative dynamics of capitalism, leaving the majority of the black working class trapped in conditions of poverty, underemployment, and systemic oppression (Magubane 2023).

This liberal strategy gave rise to a class of black elites whose success became symbolic of racial progress but did little to change the material conditions of the black masses. Figures like Barack Obama epitomize this trend, employing the rhetoric of diversity and inclusion to legitimize the capitalist system (Reed 2018). By presenting capitalism as compatible with racial equality, these leaders obscure the systemic exploitation inherent in the economic structure. This "diversity as window-dressing" approach reinforces the status quo, allowing the capitalist class to claim progress while perpetuating inequality.

Moreover, the black bourgeoisie — despite claiming to advocate for shared racial interests — often aligns with neoliberal policies that harm the black working class (Ford 2020). These elites prioritize their own integration into the ruling class over the broader struggle for economic and social justice. The result is a deepening of class divisions within the black community, with the black working class bearing the brunt of systemic exploitation and exclusion.

This reality underscores the urgent need for a revolutionary, class-conscious movement that unites the working class across racial lines. Only through solidarity among black, white, Latino, and other oppressed workers can we challenge the capitalist system and build a new society rooted in social and economic justice. The failures of liberalism and neoliberalism make clear that true liberation requires not integration into capitalism but its complete transformation.

Towards a New American Socialism

The conditions of the 21st century demand a socialism tailored to the unique historical and cultural realities of the United States. This new American socialism must be grounded in the multiracial character of the working class and directly confront the legacies of racial subjugation and economic exploitation that continue to shape the nation.

Today, the black working class faces systemic challenges that remain deeply entrenched. While legal segregation has been abolished, economic disparities persist, driven by decades of neoliberal policies (Usmani 2017). The deindustrialization of manufacturing jobs devastated urban centers, disproportionately impacting black workers and stripping away pathways to economic stability. Simultaneously, the gutting of the welfare state eliminated vital support systems for the most vulnerable. To manage the resulting underclass, the carceral state has expanded, creating a system of mass incarceration that disproportionately impacts black Americans (Johnson 2017).

These dynamics, while acutely felt by black communities, also extend to poor and working-class people of all races. The structural inequalities of capitalism are universal in their exploitation, though they often take on racialized forms to divide and weaken resistance. This reality underscores the necessity of a multiracial working-class struggle that transcends the narrow, race-reductionist politics of liberalism.

Building a revolutionary movement capable of transforming society requires a genuine unity between the black working class, the white working class, and other oppressed groups. However, this unity cannot rely on empty platitudes or superficial calls for solidarity. It must be rooted in a shared understanding of capitalism’s mechanisms of exploitation and division. Racism has long been wielded as a tool to fracture the working class, and only through a collective commitment to dismantling these divisions can true class solidarity emerge.

The Communist Party, as the revolutionary vanguard, must lead this effort. Guided by revolutionary principles, it must develop strategies that address the unique historical and social conditions of the United States. This includes recognizing the central role of black revolutionary politics in shaping the broader struggle for socialism, while also building a movement that reflects the multiracial and multicultural composition of the American working class.

The task before us is daunting but necessary. To achieve true economic and social democracy, we must forge a new American socialism that draws on the best traditions of revolutionary struggle while adapting to the realities of the 21st century. This new socialism must unite the working class across racial lines, confront the legacies of racism, and dismantle the capitalist system that exploits us all. Only through such a revolutionary movement can we achieve true equality and democracy — for black Americans and for all working people.

Works Cited

Anderson, Kevin B. 2022. “Revisiting Marx on Race, Capitalism, and Revolution.” Monthly Review. Retrieved January 14, 2025 (https://monthlyreview.org/2022/03/01/revisiting-marx-on-race-capitalism-and-revolution/).

Briger, Sam. 2021. “Documentary Exposes How the FBI Tried to Destroy MLK With Wiretaps, Blackmail.” NPR, January 18.

Ford, Glen. 2020. “You Can’t Shame the Shameless Black Misleadership Class.” Black Agenda Report. Retrieved January 14, 2025 (https://www.blackagendareport.com/you-cant-shame-shameless-black-misleadership-class). 

Greene II, Robert. 2016. “The Socialism of the Black Panthers.” Jacobin Magazine. Retrieved January 14, 2025 (https://jacobin.com/2016/03/black-panther-party-revolution-fred-hampton). 

Johnson, C. G. (2017). “The Panthers Can’t Save Us Now: Anti-Policing Struggles & the Limits of Black Power.” Catalyst: A Journal of Theory & Strategy 1(1).

Magubane, Zine. 2023. “The Class Politics of Race.” Catalyst: A Journal of Theory & Strategy 7(2).

Matthias, Meg. 2024. “Fred Hampton | Biography, Black Panthers, Death, & Civil Rights.” Encyclopedia Britannica. Retrieved (https://www.britannica.com/biography/Fred-Hampton).

Moore, Dhoruba. 1981. “Strategies of Repression Against the Black Movement.” The Black Scholar 12(3):10–16.

Reed, Adolph. 2013. “Marx, Race, and Neoliberalism.” New Labor Forum 22(1):49–57. doi: 10.1177/1095796012471637.

Reed, Adolph. 2023. “The Origins of Race Reductionism | the Nation.” The Nation. Retrieved January 14, 2025 (https://www.thenation.com/article/society/race-reductionism/).

Reed, Touré. 2018. “Between Obama and Coates.” Catalyst: A Journal of Theory & Strategy 1(4), 9-57.

Reed, Touré. 2020. Toward Freedom: The Case Against Race Reductionism. Verso Books.

Taylor, Keeanga-Yamahtta. 2011. “Race, Class and Marxism.” SocialistWorker. Retrieved January 14, 2025 (https://socialistworker.org/2011/01/04/race-class-and-marxism).

Usmani, Adaner. 2017. “Did Liberals Give Us Mass Incarceration? Catalyst: A Journal of Theory & Strategy 1(3), 169-183.

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